Griechenland und China in der Neuen Ära

Die Beziehungen zwischen Griechenland und China sind historisch gewachsen. Es ist jedoch vor allem die Investition von COSCO Shipping im Hafen von Piräus, die dieser Zusammenarbeit internationaler Bedeutung verleiht. Dadurch ist Griechenland in wirtschaftlich schwierigen Zeiten zu einer Drehscheibe des chinesisch-europäischen Handels geworden - eine Tatsache, die die griechischen Politiker nicht ignorieren. Unter den neuen geopolitischen Bedingungen und angesichts des wachsenden Antagonismus zwischen dem Westen und China stellt Griechenland seine Zugehörigkeit nicht in Frage. Ungeachtet der Orientierung des Landes gen Westen besteht die dreifache Herausforderung für Griechenlands Wirtschafts- und Außenpolitik darin, sich einerseits an den Prioritäten europäischer Politik auszurichten, andererseits die amerikanischen Interessen zu respektieren sowie in den Beziehungen zu China das Maximum zu erreichen.

Greece and China in the New Era

Relations between Greece and China enjoy historical depth. But it is mainly the investment of COSCO Shipping in the port of Piraeus that makes this partnership important at the international level. The success of this investment has rendered Greece a hub in Sino-European trade in difficult times for the national economy - a fact that Greek politicians do not ignore. Under new geopolitical conditions and growing antagonism between the West and China, Greece does not challenge its fundamental principle as to where it belongs. Notwithstanding the country’s Western orientation, the triple challenge for its economic and foreign policy is to align with European priorities, respect American concerns and achieve the maximum in relations with China.

Representing two ancient civilizations, Greece and China do diachronically enjoy friendly and warm relations. At the political level, the two established diplomatic relations in 1972, and seven years later, in 1979, the visit of Prime Minister Constantinos Karamanlis in Beijing opened a new chapter in the bilateral partnership. The visit was followed by that of his successor Andreas Papandreou in 1986. Later, the post-Cold War environment permitted new synergies and witnessed significant developments. In 1997, Greece sent warships to help other countries withdraw their nationals from Albania. 171 Chinese citizens were thus rescued, an assisted evacuation the Chinese government does not forget. In 2000, Jiang Zemin became the first Chinese President to visit Greece, and in 2006 the two countries upgraded their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership.

The historical depth of Sino-Greek relations is significant, but these relations did mainly come into epicenter of international attention when a Chinese company, COSCO Shipping, started to invest in the port of Piraeus in 2008. In particular, the concession agreement stipulated that the company would operate piers II and III for a period of 35 years, while pier I was (then) to stay under the management of the Piraeus Port Authority controlled by Greek authorities. COSCO Shipping had to pay an initial sum of €50 million to the Greek state, plus each year a percentage of consolidated revenues as well as a lease related to the surface size and length of the berthing docks amounting to a nominal total sum of €4.3 billion over the 35-year concession period. The concession agreement was ratified by the Greek parliament in 2009, and approved by the European Commission, although the latter argued that the Greek government had granted COSCO Shipping some benefits such as tax exemptions and preferential accounting treatment.

The initial success of COSCO Shipping and Greece’s determination to privatize the Piraeus Port Authority under its bailout obligations created conditions favorable to new business opportunities. Being under the pressure of its creditors, the Greek government organized a tender and COSCO Shipping became the preferred bidder by offering €368.5 million for a 67% stake of the Piraeus Port Authority (in two stages, 51% and 16%). By winning the tender, the Chinese company could expand its presence, manage pier I together with piers II and III, and take control of all activities of the Piraeus Port Authority, in particular the cruise, ferry, and car terminals, as well as deal with ship repair and logistics. Although the European Commission approved the privatization itself, COSCO Shipping and Greek authorities disagreed on how the Chinese company could overhaul the port and implement its primary infrastructure plan, the so-called ‘Master Plan’. An amicable settlement was finally reached, and a relevant presidential decree was issued in January 2022. This settlement will possibly allow construction works in the port to be completed.

COSCO Shipping’s investment has transformed the port of Piraeus into a transshipment hub under turbulent conditions for Greece’s economy. Different Greek governments, irrespective of their political ideology, have acknowledged this catalytic contribution. Current Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, for instance, has portrayed COSCO Shipping’s engagement as ‘a win-win project’. According to porteconomics.eu, the port of Piraeus recorded the fourth largest European number of transported containers in 2023 preceded by those of Rotterdam, Antwerp, and Hamburg. Of course, external developments impact on the performance of the port of Piraeus. The geopolitical instability in the Red Sea, an ongoing problem, has already led to a decline of containers transported. The fall in the first seven months of 2024 (from January until July) was 11,7% in piers II and III, and 3,5% in pier I – in comparison to the same period last year.

Generally speaking, Greece views its relationship to China through the prism of pragmatism. COSCO Shipping’s emblematic presence in Piraeus drives this pragmatism but other considerations are taken into account. Trade and tourism constitute examples. According to Eurostat data, Greek imports from China rose to €6.9 billion in 2023 (20^th highest number in the EU) from €4.5 billion in 2019 (the year before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic), but exports fell to €385 million in 2023 (15^th highest number in the EU) from €800 million in 2019. As it is the case with several other EU member states Greece suffers by a deficit in its trade relationship with China, which was the 14^th biggest one last year (€6.5 billion) Additionally, the number of Chinese citizens who had visited to Greece in 2019 was circa 200,000, whereas this number was much lower in 2023 during which less than 70,000 Chinese tourists came to the country. The operation of direct flights between Athens and Beijing and Athens and Shanghai, launched or intensified after the pandemic, can possibly boost tourism flows in the medium and long-term

The current era in undoubtedly different from the years when Sino-Greek relations were flourishing because of COSCO Shipping’s evolving success. The COVID-19 pandemic dramatically influenced relations between the West and China. Both sides are now in a delicate process of reducing dependencies – to the extent this is feasible in a globalized world. More importantly, Sino-American antagonism is increasing, and the tensions naturally affect the way the EU approaches China. Greece is not expected to play a leading role in international issues settled by big powers but attempts to employ a balanced foreign and economic policy. In this manner, it envisages improving its relations with China by simultaneously respecting American geopolitical considerations and following European guidelines.

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis first visited China in November 2019, a few days before hosting President Xi Jinping in Athens. He re-visited China four years later, after the pandemic by practically following the trend of other European leaders who emphasized the importance of dialogue with the Chinese government despite Sino-European disagreements. At that time, these included, among others, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, French President Emmanuel Macron, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, and President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen. Greece’s interests go perhaps beyond the general Western tendency, however. The country values China’s rising geopolitical power. Being geographically located in a turbulent neighborhood, Athens makes calculations, which include the careful study of Chinese foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. China’s clout as a permanent member of the Security Council in evoking the UN framework for the potential resolution of the Cyprus Question matters, especially in a period during which Turkey is pushing for a two-state solution. Difficult and complicated as it is, Greece endeavors to better position itself in a challenging geopolitical environment where China’s importance steadily grows.

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Dr George N. Tzogopoulos is Lecturer at the European Institute of Nice (Cife), a Senior Fellow at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP), and an Analyst at the Begin Sadat Centre for Strategic Studies (BESA).